This was to help defeat another Republican in the primary - Sheila Frahm, Gov. Graves' appointee to Dole's vacated position. I don't know how moderate Republicans feel about this because I haven't heard a word from them.

And this was only one of eight such transactions. Altogether, Federal Election Commission records reveal that Sam's in-laws sent $37,500 to seven PACs, and that the same groups almost immediately pumped $36,000 into Sam's campaign to defeat Frahm.

So what does that look like to you?

Not many charities can claim 96 percent efficiency in getting contributions to their beneficiaries, losing only four percent to administrative costs.

But Sam's campaign isn't a charity, and very different rules apply.

The federal limits for individuals: $1,000 to a candidate, $5,000 to an unrelated PAC. It would be illegal for one person to give more than $1,000 to Sam's campaign indirectly like this if there was an understanding between the donor and a political group as to whose campaign the money was supposed to support - that is, by "coordinating" with the group.

Bill Hogan, Center for Public Integrity: "It sounds to me like there's a pipeline from (the Stauffers) to the Brownback campaign that makes only a minor stop at these political action committees. It is impossible to believe that it's a coincidence. This is in the same category to me as people who say that a 6-year-old can make a $1,000 contribution on their own initiative and authority. If I were working at the Federal Election Commission, I would get my fine tooth comb out whenever there's something like this."

A walk down memory lane:

• July ? - Eagle Forum PAC, $5,000. July 2, Eagle sent $4,000 to Sam. A week later, they acknowledged the Stauffer check. The next day Eagle mailed Brownback endorsement letters to its members, which cost $965. You do the math.
• July 5 - Citizens United Political Victory Fund - $5,000. Sent $5,000 to Sam two weeks later.
• July 12 - Conservative Victory Committee, $5,000. Sent $3,000 to Sam within 10 days.
• July 16 - Free Congress PAC - $5,000. Mailed $4,500 to Sam the same day.
• July 19 - American Free Enterprise PAC - $5,000. Sent $4,500 to Sam: $1,000 a week before, $3,500 10 days later.
• July 26 - Faith, Family & Freedom PAC - $2,500. Sent $4,000 to Sam 3 days later.
• July 29 - Madison Project - $5,000. Sent $5,000 to Sam 2 days later.
• (One other transaction was discovered in FEC records but was not identified in the current sources.)

The same federal laws that limit individual contributions also restrict PACs to giving $5,000 per candidate. Anything more the PACs would have had to give to someone other than Sam. Does that sound like a good reason?

Before Sam's race, and as far back as 1987, the Stauffers have no previous history of PAC contributions.

In the general election, when the Stauffers made no fresh PAC contributions, Brownback's campaign received donations from several hundred business and ideological PACs.

After the primary, the Stauffers didn't make any PAC contributions during the general election. Coincidentally (consequently?) Sam got nothing from five of those PACs, and the other two only coughed up a measly $4,000 between them.

Ellen Miller, Center for Responsive Politics: "This is a pattern we often see with wealthy people."

John Stauffer: "I don't know how it worked, but (the contributions) weren't earmarked."

In early July, Sam was more than 20 points behind Frahm in the polls. In late July he spent $263,656 on advertising. It worked. He won on August 6 with 54.8 percent of the vote.

Similar investigations into Democratic opponent Jill Docking's campaign financing turned up nothing as seamy as Sam's. Her family made normal, legal contributions, either to Jill's campaign or to Democratic committees. No PACs and no laundering.

Ironically, Sam has been very loud about campaign finance reform - but what bothers him is unions and other typically Democrat-oriented groups.

Oh -- both Sam's campaign and the political groups deny wrongdoing. Well, that changes everything.